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PUEBLO
DEL RIO:
LET'S NOT FORGET THE PAST HOUSING AUTHORITY OF THE CITY OF LOS ANGELES
Executive
Director Exhibit
Credits: |
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"Architecture
sums up the civilization it enshrines."
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| |Pueblo del Rio| |Housing Conditions in Depression-Era| |The Establishment| |WWII Era Public Housing| |The"Transformative Effect"| |A Period of Experimentation| |"Biological Realism"| |The Design of Pueblo Del Rio| |The Garden City Style| |Innovative Low-Cost Building Tech.| |African American History| |Housing Discrimination| |Winning Housing Rights| |Fairness in Housing Choice| |The Community| |Bibligography| | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Pueblo
Del Rio and the National Register of Historic Places
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World
War II Era Public Housing
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| Local governments
in Southern California resisted public housing initiatives in deference
to the bourgeoning real estate industry. That obstacle was assuaged somewhat
in 1937 with the passage of the National Housing Act [also known as the
"Wagner Act"] which diminished the perceived threat to private
landlords by establishing income ceilings that were substantially below
the average income of renters of private housing (Slawson 8). The Housing
Authority of the City of Los Angeles was established in June, 1938. Soon
after, the Authority issued contracts for design and construction of its
first federally funded public housing complexes. Pueblo del Rio, in South
Los Angeles, was one of the first projects to be built. |
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| The approaching
war boosted defense-related manufacturing in Southern California in the
late 1930's, providing well-paid jobs which, in turn, drew a multitude of
unemployed workers into the region. This shift in target population -- from
housing the poor to sheltering defense workers -- aided public efforts to
expand affordable housing, as evidenced by President Roosevelt's description
of the place of public housing in a nation at war, in a speech in May of
1942: "This war involves a total national effort and industrial mobilization. Industry cannot effectively mobilize the plants and plants cannot expand with sufficient rapidity unless there are enough houses to bring the worker to the job, keep him on the job and maintain his efficiency and morale. The allocation of war funds for the shelter of men and women leaving their homes to serve our war industries is a wise and established national policy." (1943 California Arts and Architecture) |
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| The historic significance of WWII era defense worker housing is noted by both architecture historians and social scientists, in part because this housing was built up so quickly. "Between 1940 and 1950 the population of Los Angeles County increased by 49% The physical magnitude of this wave of newcomers had a more dynamic impact on Los Angeles than that of any previous era." (Ovnick 253-254). In fact, this phenomenal growth was the largest decennial population increase of any state in the nation's history (Horne 381). In response to this growth, the government-led push to build housing for workers in Los Angeles created unprecedented opportunities for diverse sectors of the community, especially those heretofore virtually shut out of sustainable employment and decent housing. Many African Americans, Chicanos, women, and poor whites from the south were hired into defense-related - and other - industries. Thanks to public housing, some of these defense workers were provided access to nice affordable housing for the first time in their lives (Parson 50). | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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The
"Transformative Effect" of Good Architecture
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credit: Jackie Green
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| According to noted art critic Robert Hughes, "Modern architecture was to be a democratic answer to social crisis" (The Shock of the New, in Parson 1986 80). The design of structures such as Pueblo del Rio was meant to reveal "architecture's role as an important instrument of social change born of the idea that buildings can do more than provide shelter. They can embody our best values as a society" (Ouroussoff). | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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credit: Jackie Greene
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| The outbreak of World War II era economic opportunity also extended itself to Los Angeles-based architects, many of which quickly grasped the potential of a government-sponsored housing boom to explore new social and aesthetic approaches to building communities. In fact, the collapse of the housing market during the Great Depression had already left many architects without clients and thus unemployed. Many of the younger and progressive architects used this time to critically examine the developing theories in their profession and to develop a new perspective on social architecture. Architects such as Richard Neutra saw public housing as "a practical means to vindicate theories of Modern Architecture by demonstrating its applicability to the accelerated pace of life brought about by the war. Production bottlenecks were to be addressed by new building technologies that would reduce construction time. Sanitary and healthful housing would be the foundation for a vigorous, more productive work force, while social planning, cooperative living, and minimal housework would allow more free time for public housing inhabitants" (Parson 1986 196-197). | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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A
Period of Experimentation
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Architect Paul R.
Williams, "Designer of Individuality" (1894-1980) Selected to lead the design team for Pueblo del Rio was Los Angeles architect Paul Revere Williams, who had already designed (with Hilyard Robinson) the first federally funded public housing development in the U.S.: Langston Terrace in Washington, D.C. Pueblo del Rio was the first public housing project he was responsible for in Southern California. He went on to lead the teams that designed the Gonzaque Village and Nickerson Gardens developments. Williams had been appointed a commissioner of the National Board of Municipal Housing in 1933, and was a member of the Housing Commission of Los Angeles from 1933 through 1941. |
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| Born in Los Angeles, Williams was orphaned at age four but taken in by foster parents who encouraged and supported his intellectual and creative endeavors. His talent for drawing blossomed in his youth. His desire to become an architect began while he was still in high school, where his aspirations were greeted by a counselor's admonishment, "Who ever heard of a Negro architect?" Yet, he endured, and studied architecture at the University of Southern California and the Beaux Arts Institute of Design in New York, among others. Williams was one of the first African Americans to join the American Institute of Architects and the very first to become a Fellow of the Institute. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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In his lifetime Williams
designed more than 2,000 building projects in the U.S., France, and Colombia.
Known as "the architect to the stars," he designed lavish homes
for the Hollywood elite, such as Lucille Ball, Frank Sinatra and William
"Bojangles" Robinson. In fact, he was designing homes in places
(such as Bel Air and Beverly Hills) where -- due to racial covenants --
he was barred from owning a home. He also designed many small homes and
high profile commercial and municipal buildings. Notable Southern California
buildings designed by Williams include:
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"Biological
Realism"
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| Richard
J. Neutra (1892-1970). Richard Neutra was an Austrian-born architect who established a practice in Los Angeles in 1926. He believed that people were happiest when linked closely to their natural environment, an idea he called "Biological Realism." This principle is reflected in Neutra's use of windows, moats, roofs, and terraces arranged in simple geometric forms, as well as his reliance on glass, light-weight steel, and thin concrete walls. Southern California's climate was ideally suited to this approach. |
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credit: Julius Shulman
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| One of Neutra's most famous homes was designed in 1935 for film director Josef von Sternberg, built in the San Fernando Valley. Note how the elliptical wall on the left of the von Sternberg house curves out and away from the flat structure to the right, which is simply adorned with steel-framed windows. Compare these shapes to the playground wall at Pueblo, which juts forward - to the left - and away from the main building. Note how the flat façade of the social hall is also adorned simply (like the von Sternberg home) with large steel-framed windows and sliding glass doors. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Photo
credit: Julius Shulman
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Like Paul Williams, Richard Neutra designed for a wide variety of persons and purposes, including public housing. Neutra's experimental approach with mass-produced prefabricated construction can be seen in the design of Pueblo del Rio and also in photos of the Channel Heights Housing Project (1941-1943). His concept of biorealism can also be seen in both developments, especially in the lovely, open-air, child-friendly façade that was the Pueblo Social Hall circa 1942. Although Channel Heights and the von Sternberg house have since disappeared, scores of modernist Neutra homes and office buildings may still be seen in Southern California, including his own residence in Silver Lake, which is open to the public. |
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The
Design of Pueblo Del Rio
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| Richard Neutra and Paul Williams were not the only top Los Angeles-based architects to have a hand in the design of Pueblo del Rio. "Immediately prior to and during WWII, large individual residential commissions were rare," so "many top LA architects turned their talents to federally supported public housing" (Slawson 2). In addition to Williams and Neutra, the designers of Pueblo del Rio included Adrian Wilson, Gordon B. Kaufman, Wurdeman and Becket, and landscape architect Ralph D. Cornell. Known as the Southeast Housing Architects, Associated, the team began work on the project in 1940 and completed it in 1942, with 57 two-story buildings located on the 17.5-acre site (Slawson). | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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credit: Luckhaus Studio
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| Of all of the public housing built in Los Angeles in this period, "the buildings of Pueblo del Rio perhaps best express the ideals of the Modern movement and come nearest to fully formed International Style design. The complex is the only known local defense housing project in which concrete and masonry alone were used, without any wood framing" (Slawson 11). The bare simplicity of Pueblo del Rio's lines reflects Neutra's style, with its minimization of shapes and materials, elimination of extraneous detail, and maximally functional layout. The unifying repetition of a few, crisp, geometric shapes was effected with economy and clarity by employing only three materials: concrete, steel, and glass (Parson 1986). | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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credit: Leonard Nadel
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| The experimental, modern elements of Pueblo del Rio included the abandonment of historical style; a rationalized floor plan; the integration of indoor and outdoor space; and a compact, practical, and modern kitchen to minimize the unnecessary toil of housework. Separating vehicular and pedestrian traffic, Modern housing would be sited so as to engender a neighborhood with 'social gathering space' and 'communal play areas for children'", emblematizing "humanitarian visions of a modern Los Angeles in a fundamentally different direction than the cityscape of the actual Modern City" (Parson 1986 181). | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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The
Garden City Style
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| "Federal standards for public housing projects did allow for climate, local social institutions, and building customs to play a role in shaping the architecture and site design; in areas where land costs were lower, projects could be built at a lower density." While Housing Act standards limited the forms and materials possible in the architecture of the units themselves, site design drew upon the principles of the "Garden City" movement. This innovation in urban design was pioneered by the likes of noted designer Clarence Stein "who prescribed the use of 'superblocks,' oversized blocks with groupings of multi-family dwellings arranged around a large communal park area that formed the community's heart and was faced by all houses" (Slawson 9). | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| The "superblock" concept involved "a fluid site plan which ignored lot lines, separated pedestrian and vehicular circulation, and oriented the buildings toward inner open space instead of street boundaries." This innovative use of space evolved into the norm for public housing in Southern California (Parson 1986 84). "Fiscal constraints and the generally conservative outlook of the controlling agencies prohibited the full realization of garden city planning principles in the design of Los Angeles' wartime public housing projects, but the attempt to employ these principles is recognizable in nearly all of them. The direct influence of the garden city models [on the design of Pueblo del Rio] cannot be fully assessed, but certainly the typical layout and allocations of space suggest that these concepts had been well assimilated" (Slawson 11). | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Innovative
Low-Cost Building Technologies
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| The architects of public housing in Los Angeles in this period were somewhat thwarted in their social aims by federal housing budgets that "viewed public housing in a cost-minded, utilitarian way which prevented public housing from ever being considered a success on strictly architectural grounds." Thus, architects turned their attention to technological problems and new building techniques needed due to wartime building material shortages and the constraints of quick construction schedules mandated by the sudden and urgent need for defense worker housing. "Project designers often had to change material specifications for the projects because of materials shortages." To speed construction, builders used new pre-fab building techniques. At Pueblo del Rio, builders used precast reinforced concrete slabs for ceilings, which shaved days off of the construction schedules for each building (Parson 1985 88). | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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African
American History in Southern California
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| Los Angeles had a black minority since the earliest settlements. Yet, few Blacks moved from the Southern states (where 90% of black Americans lived until 1920) to the far West before the First World War (Ovnick 233). The cost of transportation was high and the poverty of Southern Blacks was severe. None of the tourist literature was aimed at them, nor was it easily accessible to rural black Southerners. Chinese, Japanese, Mexicans, and later, Filipinos already filled the lowest-paying jobs in California. Most Southern Blacks who fled the economically troubled South prior to the Depression headed for the band of Northern industrial cities east of the Mississippi, in what has been called the "Great Migration." Between 1915 and 1918, a series of economic disasters hit the Deep South. The tide of displaced Black Southerners who had responded to job opportunities in Northeastern and North-Central industrial centers found themselves "compressed into ghettos and increasingly subjected to antagonism over strike-breaking controversies and neighborhood segregation. It was then that Black attention was drawn to what Los Angeles offered " (Ovnick 233-234). | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Housing
Discrimination
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| Housing was the single most attractive aspect of the vision guiding Blacks to Los Angeles during the hard times of the '30s: "The widely reported ability of Black Angelenos to purchase a house, either for their own residence, or for investment as a rental property or profitable resale, was unparalleled [I]n 1930 over one-third of L.A.'s Black families owned their own houses, whereas only 10.5 percent in Chicago, 15 percent in Detroit, and 5.6% in New York did so" (Ovnick 235). California's " Spanish and Mexican heritage, the beauty of its landscape, the warmth of its climate, and a reputation for tolerance and inclusion make it an attractive place for almost everyone, but it holds a special appeal for the adventurer, the entrepreneur, the pioneer Yet it would be the more modest prospect of being able to find work, own a home, and raise a family relatively free of discrimination that would cause many unknown African American pioneers to try their luck in the Golden State" (Mulroy xii). | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Winning
Housing Rights
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| The relatively high homeownership rates among African American Angelenos were not matched by fairness in housing choice for, in this period, "racial covenants" and other discriminatory practices restricted Blacks to living in only 5% of the city. The massive migration of workers, including men and women of color, into Los Angeles during WWII "posed a tremendous challenge to the existing pattern of racial segregation. Not surprisingly, racial tensions were extremely volatile" (Parsons 50). "The allocation of scarce housing, particularly public housing, among the various ethnic groups brought the issues of segregation and integration to the fore of public debate and activism" (Parsons 52). | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| The struggle in Southern California against housing discrimination intensified during this period when white homeowners in the upscale "Sugar Hill" neighborhood tried to prevent African American families from moving into homes they had already purchased. Renowned actresses Louise Beavers, Hattie McDaniel, and Ethel Waters joined other local leaders to overturn the demeaning racial covenants: "Their efforts resulted in the dismissal of the [discriminatory] injunction by the Los Angeles Superior Court. Thus, women who founded careers playing docile and submissive servants helped fire the opening shots in the legal battle against residential segregation in California - a battle that would culminate in the landmark Supreme Court decision which outlawed restrictive covenants in 1948" (Moore 214-215). | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Fairness
in Housing Choice
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| Twentieth-Century black women " preserved and extended the work that had begun two centuries earlier, establishing churches and voluntary organizations, fighting for education and voting rights, and seeking employment and social opportunities beyond the boundaries of race and gender. While their lives would remain circumscribed by those boundaries, they shouldered their personal and community responsibilities with determination and an abiding belief in the inclusivity of the California Dream" (Moore 210). | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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The
Pueblo Del Rio Community
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![]() African American military band performs at Pueblo dedication ceremony |
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![]() Pueblo del Rio resident youth basketball team, sponsored by A&D Market. |
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![]() Local choir performs at Pueblo dedication ceremony. |
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Pueblo
Del Rio "Let's Not Forget The Past"
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Bibliography
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